But rather than looking to rebuild bridges with the growing population centers, Trump seems to use them as a foil to energize its largely non-urban base.
"He wants to demonstrate cities as an alien to the two-car garage in Naperville," said Chicago Mayor, Rahm Emanuel who was outgoing, in an interview, referring to the western suburb of his city. "They want to scare more to make the soccer mom."
Trump 's public models were welcomed by the great mayors of the city in relation to the despair of immigrants. "America was a refuge country before Chicago was an asylum city," Emanuel told me. "Send them: we will welcome them, and we will enroll their children in our schools."
It is unclear whether Trump has the legal authority to relocate undocumented immigrants and asylum seekers to cities as he recommended.
But even the threat extends its real disease relationship with the country's urban centers. The irony is that Trump itself is a product of urban politics, famous real estate and tabloid culture in New York City – it is not a much less rural suburban environment.
There are cost cities at Trump policies
The cities now have a time of indifference – unlike hostility – from the federal government, City Mayor of New York Bill Bill of Taste told me earlier this month when I interviewed him at an Atlantic event.
"Affordable federal housing policy does not exist again," he said at the time. "There is no federal policy to address income imbalances; there is no federal early childhood education policy; federal housing policy is not affordable."
Moving the GOP from the country's club to the country;
Trump has promoted these policy proposals with frequent rhetoric attacks in which he demonstrated capitals – particularly Chicago – as crime and chaotic. "Its goal is to drive a wedge between suburban and urban," charged by Emanuel. "He wants the cities to make alarming for the sub-urban voter heart."
Trump's trumpet relationship with the larger cities expands his central political strategy which focuses particularly on energizing his political base even at the expense of voter resistance outside. Demographically, this means that younger voters, from minorities and many white voters who are educated at the college, will be treated with great confidence in serving older, evangelical and blue collar people. Geographically, this means that large deficits in urban and suburban areas will be accepted at the cost of extending the GOP benefits in existing, small and rural communities.
The recession of the GOP in large urban areas and more dependence on small and rural towns voters before the start of Trump. But this change – the former Republican representative of Virginia Tom Davis mentions the GOP move "from the country's club to the country" – Trump obviously accelerated because Trump re-defined the party around their racist economic infiltration.
In 2016, Hillary Clinton made 87 comparable of the largest 100 counties against Trump, but expanded significantly on Obama's total voting margin in those places.
In 2012, the 100 largest county Obama made 11.6 million votes. This was a major increase from the Al Gore margin of 6.8 million votes over Bush in the top 100 counties of 2000.
But in 2016, Clinton won the top 100 counties with almost 14.7 million votes, more than a quarter more than Obama did. In places from Seattle (Kings County) and Los Angeles to Houston (Galway County), New York and Miami (Miami-Dade), Clinton won far more voting margins than Obama four years earlier. Clinton County Harris, for example, won about 162,000 votes after Obama has been less than 1,000. She won 110,000 more votes with Seattle than Obama did and LA had more than 360,000 more.
Clinton was badly injured due to small cuts to his margins in Philadelphia and Milwaukee, and more slip in Detroit, three major African-American cities where the black crowd fell compared to 2012. But overall, Trump was denied in the main places: 100 counties provided more than half of Clinton's total votes.
2018 was a turning point
The Republican recession in major urban areas accelerated the 2018 mid-term elections. Trump, as noted above, only won 13 of the 100 largest counties in 2016. Over half of this small group moved towards Democrats in key state situations. 2018.
In Arizona, the Democratic Senate candidate, Kyrsten Cinema in Maricopa County, won a win over Phoenix– the biggest county that Trump won two years earlier – as an integral part of his victory. In Texas, Beto O 'Rourke, candidate of the Democratic Seanad, Tarrant County (Fort Worth), voted the second largest Trump county in 2016. In New York, the Kirsten County Gillibrand County of Suffolk, third largest trump (though voters then supported Lee Zeldin Republican rep in the House). In Florida, the Democratic gubernatorial candidate Andrew Gillum won Pinellas County Florida (St Petersburg), the fourth largest Trump-winning county.
In the House last year, the Democrats consolidated their dominance in urban areas. According to the innovative system the CityLab website developed to classify house seating on a rural urban continuum, Democrats emerged from the 2018 election with 149 of the 165 seats in the three largest urban categories. Before the election, Republicans had 35 seats in the three largest urban groups. Republicans, CityLab, also suffered major losses in the "thin suburban" category of house seats that reflect the boundary between urban and small / rural towns.
The deflection side of the GOP city under Trump involves consolidation of its hold over smaller communities. In 2016, while Clinton won 87 of the top 100 counties, Trump won about 2,600 of the remaining 3,000 – the largest for any nominee in either Ronald Reagan party in 1984. In some important states, such as North Carolina. and Florida, it exceeded major deficiencies in urban areas with unprecedented margins and voter turnout in small towns and rural areas.
Trump is holding an election on the 2020 election, and perhaps the future of the GOP for the following years, on a very different commitment: that the nation's largest city party has more to do than they are. liked them.
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