Hereditary Parliamentary Seats: Families Under the Dome
Among the most prominent of these parliamentary families are families such as “Sadat, Abaza, Abu Shaqa, Al-Dabaa, Mortada Mansour, Al-Hariri, and the Talaat Mustafa family.”
The Abaza family is considered one of the most prominent and oldest parliamentary families in Egypt, as its political roots extend back to before the July 1952 Revolution, specifically since 1824, when its members began participating in parliamentary life, led by Ismail Abaza and Muhammad Sadiq Abaza. Then the presence of family symbols in Parliament continued across the generations. In the 2005-2010 session, the family represented the famous Ahmed Fouad Suleiman Abaza. With “Fuad Abaza” for the Derb Negm constituency, along with Mahmoud Ahmed Mohamed Abaza, one of the most prominent leaders of the Wafd Party and its former president.
In the 2010-2011 Parliament, Amin Ahmed Mohamed Othman Abaza participated for the Tallin constituency in the Minya Al-Qamh Center, and Ahmed Fouad Baghdadi Abaza for the Abu Hammad constituency. As for the 2011-2012 Parliament, Mohamed Hani Dari Abaza “Hani Abaza” continued to represent the family under the dome of Parliament, then the 2015-2020 Parliament witnessed a remarkable presence of the family with the presence of 3 Representatives are Fouad Abaza, Hani Abaza, and Wajih Hussein Wajih Abaza.
This strong representation continued in the House of Representatives in 2021 with the presence of the same three representatives, as Fouad Abaza was elected as Undersecretary of the Arab Affairs Committee, and Hani Abaza was elected as Undersecretary of the Education Committee, along with Wajih Abaza. The same session also witnessed the entry of Yusra Abaza, Fouad Abaza’s daughter, into the Senate, thus continuing the Abaza family’s political legacy extending over two centuries, preserving its position. As one of the most prominent families in Egyptian parliamentary life.
Reda FarhatMenoufia Governorate is not devoid of vacancies for the Sadat family for parliamentary life, which emerged into political life when the late President Anwar Sadat assumed the presidency in 1970. The late President Mohamed Anwar Sadat was the first to enter Parliament as a representative from the family, as he was elected as a member of the National Assembly for a constituency for three terms starting in 1957, and in 1960 he was elected President of the National Assembly, in the period from July 21. 1960 until September 27, 1961. He was also elected President of the National Assembly for the second term from March 29, 1964 to November 12, 1968.
Amr Hashim RabieDespite the cumulative experience and political weight that this phenomenon has added, it has witnessed major transformations during the last decade, with the emergence of new patterns of family pluralism within the Council itself, which raised questions about the limits of influence and the extent of its reflection on the efficiency of parliamentary performance and popular representation. These are the questions that Al-Masry Al-Youm posed to a number of experts and those interested in political and parliamentary affairs in an attempt to answer the reasons for this. And the results of the phenomenon.
Clash and rivalry
Dr. Saeed Sadiq, professor of political sociology, confirmed that the phenomenon of inheritance of parliamentary seats and the continuation of family influence in political life goes back to extended social and cultural roots, especially in rural areas that are still governed by traditional structures and family loyalties.
Sadiq added that historically the government was looking for people with social influence and power in their circles, as they were able to maintain balance and control their local surroundings, which made family influence one of the pillars of political action in the Egyptian countryside.
He pointed out that an economically and socially strong family has a base of influence that enables its children to continue in parliamentary representation, generation after generation, as the people view them as “heirs of leadership” and representatives of their interests before the state. He pointed out that social and economic power is naturally transformed into political power, and he pointed out that this phenomenon is more prominent in villages and rural and tribal areas, which depend on Agricultural holdings and personal relationships more than party or political programmes, stressing that about 58% of Egyptians live in the countryside, which makes the traditional rural culture a direct influence on the formation of Parliament, and the phenomenon is not limited to Egypt alone, but is repeated in other countries, but in different forms, explaining that there are “political families” in the United States such as the Kennedy family, and in Lebanon, where political life is managed according to sects and major families such as Gemayel. Franjieh and Al-Haribi.
Sadiq explained that the process of political and social modernization began to bring about gradual changes within these traditional structures, as new families began to appear on the political scene, which sometimes leads to clashes and competitions between old and new families, pointing out that this development represents a natural step towards reshaping the social and political map in Egypt.
Choice nonsense
In turn, Dr. Amr Hashim Rabie, advisor to the Center for Political and Strategic Studies at Al-Ahram, said that the phenomenon of parliamentary families is not necessarily a negative thing, but rather is a common feature in many developing countries and some developed countries as well, as some families retain parliamentary seats across successive generations as a result of voter confidence or established electoral traditions.
“Rabie” explained that the presence of more than one member from the same family in Parliament does not represent a problem in itself, as long as the candidates possess the necessary political competence and experience, stressing that the negative phenomenon begins when people who are not related to public or legislative work are nominated simply because of their family affiliation or kinship.
He pointed out that what is currently happening in some electoral lists of selecting reserves from relatives of the original candidates represents a “serious political defect,” considering that it is not a family phenomenon, but rather electoral absurdity, reflecting a vacuum within some parties that are no longer able to fill their lists with real party elements, so they resort to nominating relatives and acquaintances to fill the gap, and the seriousness of this situation clearly appears when there is a void. One of the seats for any reason is replaced by one of these unqualified reserves, which leads to political and legislative catastrophes within Parliament.
“Rabie” considered that the influence of large families with an extended political presence may be positive at times, because they often provide real services to their constituency and enjoy popular acceptance, while the real danger lies in “filling the boxes” in the lists without objective criteria, which reflects a crisis in the party structure and weakness in political life, according to his description.
An ancient phenomenon
Abdel Nasser Qandil, expert in parliamentary systems and legislation, director of the Egyptian Group for Parliamentary Studies, believes that parliamentary families in Egypt are an ancient phenomenon, dating back to the emergence of the Egyptian Parliament, where some families played a prominent role in shaping the parliamentary experience, benefiting from the accumulation of experiences, knowledge, social relations, and tribal extensions. Qandil added that this phenomenon provided the state with a kind of “social security,” as it helped communicate with wide sectors of citizens, pointing out that some of these families have a parliamentary history that extends for more than 100 years.
Qandil explained that the basic characteristic of these families was the possession of a parliamentary seat that was inherited from their children, while benefiting from social prestige and local networks, which strengthened voters’ confidence in the ability of family members to perform their legislative and service tasks.
Concerning the value of this role, Qandil pointed out that it was real thanks to the individual electoral system, which allowed the voter to choose whoever he saw as the most competent, which forced these families to provide their best members to ensure winning the seats.
He stressed that the experience demonstrated the ability of voters to hold families accountable, as when one of the sons ran alongside one of his relatives, the entire family may be excluded if the performance was not sufficient, citing the case of Sameh Ashour, head of the Bar Association, who was unsuccessful in winning the seat when he and his cousin ran together in 2005. He pointed out that the situation changed after 2011, with the adoption of the closed list system, which showed a new pattern. For parliamentary families, some representatives and their children are now able to retain several seats, and sometimes place children as backup members to replace the father in the event that the seat becomes vacant.
Qandil added that this experience was not always positive, as some of the sons were not qualified to perform parliamentary duties, and used the seat more as a social facade than a legislative platform, which led to a decline in the level of performance and an increase in societal discontent.
He explained that what is known as extended families within Parliament has become a new phenomenon, as we find several siblings or cousins in the same parliament, which was not present in the previous experience, where the family inherited only one seat, and as a result of political influence, some families were able to control several seats in the governorate, which sometimes led to their sons being nominated in other governorates to ensure continued influence, which is what is currently happening in some areas such as Burj Al Arab, where sons are nominated. The Dhaifullah family holds multiple seats in Parliament, and these experiences reveal a large gap between the performance of their children and the performance of their parents, as some families are no longer considered a political lever, but rather have become a burden at times. Despite attempts to regulate this influence and correct its paths, the current systems still allow these families to continue to obtain more than one seat, which highlights the need to review the performance and real influence of parliamentary families in political life. Egyptian.
The parliamentary systems expert confirmed that the phenomenon of “parliamentary families” represents one of the most prominent manifestations of the imbalance within the parliamentary system, noting that it reflects a state of family takeover of parliamentary seats at the expense of the principle of efficiency and pluralism on which the democratic system is supposed to be based.
What is meant by parliamentary families is the presence of several members of one family within the parliamentary councils at the same time, which ensures these families increased influence within Parliament, and limits the representation of the different intellectual currents and geographical sectors on which the essence of parliamentary work is based.
Qandil pointed out that the phenomenon was embodied in a number of clear cases during the past and current parliaments, explaining that among these cases was the Sadat family in Menoufia Governorate, where the council included at one time MPs Effat and Abbas Sadat, along with two of their brothers’ sons, Karim Talaat Sadat and Sameh Anwar Sadat, as well as their late aunt’s husband, Abdel Khaleq Ayyad, bringing the number of family members within Parliament to five. In one session, the same thing was repeated in Beni Suef Governorate, where the case of Representative Ahmed Mubarak Selim, Secretary of the Mostaqbal Watan Party in the Governorate, witnessed the entry of his daughter Fatima into Parliament, who was at the same time engaged to Nasser Hedaya, Secretary of the Party’s Youth in the Governorate, as well as the case of Counselor Bahaa Abu Shaqa, head of the Wafd Party, who was nominated at the top of the Senate list at the same time that his daughter Amira was placed at the head of the party’s list in the House of Representatives, in addition to Representative Ahmed. Fouad Abaza, Secretary of the Eastern Front Party, whose daughter Yusra was a member of the Council, while his other daughter was nominated as her reserve at the same time.
These models are not individual or exceptional, but rather reflect a growing phenomenon that needs review and clear legal and political controls, to ensure achieving justice in parliamentary representation, and preserving the spirit of pluralism, which is one of the pillars of a true democratic system.
Qandil pointed out that the phenomenon of parliamentary families in and of itself is not negative or harmful, but on the contrary, in its essence, it enhances the efficiency and experience that are passed down through generations of Parliament, just as the ancient parliamentary institutions work to transfer knowledge and expertise, adding that this model increases the ability of representatives to deal with the masses and strengthens communication with popular sectors, but modern models of family pluralism within the same parliament, where If several members of the same family are present at the same time, it is not effective and may lead to a real crisis.
He explained that this experience is often linked to an attempt to contain reserve seats and transfer them to unqualified children, which creates a gap in legislative performance and leads to a decline in the level of parliamentary work, stressing that it needs to be reconsidered and good training for new generations to ensure the continuation of the positive model of parliamentary families without a negative impact on performance or popular representation.
A complex phenomenon
Major General Reda Farhat, Vice President of the Congress Party and Professor of Political Science, said that the phenomenon of what is known as the “parliamentary family” or the inheritance of parliamentary seats within families is a complex phenomenon that cannot be classified as absolutely positive or negative, as judging it depends on the extent of its connection to the free will of voters and the competence of the new members within those families.
Farahat explained that the success of a member of the parliamentary family is legitimate and praiseworthy if it is based on the true trust of citizens and his ability to represent and serve them, as this is an extension of successful experiences in public work. However, if this phenomenon turns into a closed monopolistic pattern that prevents the exchange of opportunities and excludes talent, then it becomes a burden on political life and represents a threat to the principle of equal opportunities and democracy.
He added that some parliamentary families in Egypt have accumulated, over the decades, extensive experience in legislative and service work, which has gained them deep-rooted popularity in their electoral constituencies, and made voters renew their confidence in them with conviction. However, the continuation of this phenomenon without the infusion of new blood may lead to stagnation in parliamentary representation, and close the door to young talents who can add different visions to parliamentary work.
He pointed out that the political impact of this phenomenon is clearly evident in the nature of voting within some constituencies, as voters tend to choose according to family affiliations more than party programs, which makes the electoral process closer to a social competition rather than a political one, which weakens the role of parties in building effective cadres and pushes political life towards personalization at the expense of party and institutional pluralism.
He stressed that true democracy is based on equality of opportunities and the natural rotation of leadership, and raising the electoral awareness of citizens is the way to correct any defect in political competition, stressing that what is required is not to fight successful parliamentary families, but rather to integrate them into party frameworks and encourage them to qualify new cadres from within them, so that the phenomenon of parliamentary families in Egypt is a natural product of popular confidence and efficiency. political, not a form of closed inheritance, and thus a balance is achieved between inherited experience and the democratic renewal required to revitalize parliamentary life.
It is noteworthy that the most prominent parliamentary families since the beginning of parliamentary life are the family of Abaza, Al-Shazly, Badrawi, Al-Sadat, Mohieddin, Siraj Al-Din, Talaat Mustafa, Abu Shaqqa, Al-Ghoul, Al-Dabaa, Al-Jarhi, and Tayel, and names from the same family emerged, such as, Ahmed Mansour and his father Mortada Mansour, Mustafa Bakri and the late Mahmoud Bakri, Muhammad Tayseer Matar and his father, and Yahya Al-Fakharani. His wife, Yasser Zaki, his brother Hossam Zaki, MP Ahmed Al-Darbi, a candidate for Abu Tisht, and Radwa Maher Al-Darbi, for the same constituency.
In the context of the upcoming elections for the House of Representatives 2025-2030, the National List revealed examples of family diversity on the lists, such as Ahmed Hassan Al-Sayyid Al-Atefi and his brother Muhammad Hassan Al-Sayyid Al-Atefi (reserve), Ahmed Magdy Abdel-Maboud and his brother Muhammad Magdy Abdel-Maboud, Asim Abdel Hamid Al-Jazzar and his daughter Lajin Asim Abdel Hamid Al-Jazzar, and Mahmoud Hussein Taher Abdel Latif. And his brother Ahmed Hussein Taher Abdel Latif, Mustafa Ayman Raafat Jabr and his brother Ayman Raafat Jabr, Mustafa Mahmoud Sayed Mujahid and his brother Ahmed Mahmoud Sayed Mujahid, Sami Sobhi Eliwa Shaheen and his brother Samir Sobhi Aliwa Shaheen, Issa Abdel Moneim Abu Zeid, son of his brother Abdel Dayem Saeed Abdel Moneim Abu Zeid, and Mahmoud Sayed Abdel Hamid Shaarawy and his daughter Yasmine Mahmoud. Sayed Abdul Al-Hamid Shaarawy, Samira Mahmoud Sayed Al-Ganaini and her sister Amira Mahmoud Sayed Al-Ganaini, Heba Nabil Ahmed Ibrahim Faseekh and her sister Mona Nabil Taha Faseekh, Ahmed Al-Sayyid Ahmed Al-Ashmouni and his brother Muhammad Al-Sayyed Ahmed Al-Ashmouni, Nevin Saad Lamai Iskandar and her sister Martina Saad Lamai Iskandar, Mr. Muhammad Marzouk Al-Qasir and his son Mustafa Al-Sayyid Muhammad Marzouq Al-Qasir, and Adel Al-Kashef Muhammad. Al-Kashef and his brother Muhammad Al-Kashef Muhammad Al-Kashef, Farid Muhammad Farid Wasil, and his brother Nasr Ahmed Farid Wasil.