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Indonesia’s Two Homophobias

January 22, 2026 Robert Mitchell News
News Context
At a glance
  • In‌ Indonesia, despite constitutional guarantees ⁢of equality, marginalized groups-including people with disabilities, the poor,⁣ and‍ LGBTQ+ individuals-often face systemic discrimination ⁢and limited access to details and services.
  • The Indonesian government's approach to assisting vulnerable⁣ populations often categorizes them as "socially disadvantaged," ⁤a‌ definition that includes groups⁢ like vagrants, beggars, ​sex workers, and LGBTQ+ individuals.
  • In practice, this approach frequently enough straddles welfare concerns and respectability politics.
Original source: 76crimes.com

LGBT organisations navigate political and ⁢paternalistic homophobia

An anti-LGBT‍ briefing at an Indonesian air ‌base ⁤in December 2024. (Photo courtesy of New Mandala and the Indonesian Air⁣ Force) In December ⁣2022, protesters ⁢hold up signs prior to‌ passage of a new Indonesian criminal ‍code that banned sex outside marriage, cohabitation between ⁤unmarried ‍couples, insulting the president, and⁣ expressing views counter to the national ideology, outside parliament in Jakarta, Indonesia. (Willy Kurniawan photo courtesy of⁢ Reuters)
In December 2022, protesters hold up signs prior to passage of a new Indonesian Criminal Code that⁢ banned sex outside marriage, cohabitation between unmarried couples, insulting the president, and expressing views ‌counter to the national ideology, outside parliament ‍in jakarta, Indonesia. (Willy ⁣Kurniawan photo courtesy of Reuters)

Repressive homophobia: ‘favoured by the military, police, and education and

In‌ Indonesia, despite constitutional guarantees ⁢of equality, marginalized groups-including people with disabilities, the poor,⁣ and‍ LGBTQ+ individuals-often face systemic discrimination ⁢and limited access to details and services. This is compounded by a tendency to frame ⁣social issues through a‌ lens of “social ​rehabilitation”⁤ that blends welfare concerns with‌ societal norms.

The Indonesian government’s approach to assisting vulnerable⁣ populations often categorizes them as “socially disadvantaged,” ⁤a‌ definition that includes groups⁢ like vagrants, beggars, ​sex workers, and LGBTQ+ individuals. This categorization,​ while intended to provide support, can ⁢inadvertently reinforce stigma and ⁣marginalization. As one ⁣activist pointed out, “Thay’re still made into a minority group…Those people in society are going to look down on‍ these groups, ​so ⁢accessible information does not ⁣reach‌ them. They’ll become ‍a group that is made to be on the margins.”

In practice, this approach frequently enough straddles welfare concerns and respectability politics.  The 2015 Social ​Affairs Ministry Regulation for the Standards of Social Rehabilitation ‌Providers for the Socially Disadvantaged defines socially disadvantaged people as⁤ people who, “due to certain factors, ⁢are unable or‌ less able to live a decent life‌ or in accordance‍ with religious, social or legal norms and tend ⁢to be ​socially isolated from community life such as vagrants, beggars, prostitutes, human trafficking victims, former inmates, and ⁢people with HIV/AIDS.”

More ‍concretely, ⁣the Directorate of⁣ Social Rehabilitation for Social problems and Victims of Human Trafficking‌ has carried out the Social​ Affairs Ministry’s Character⁤ Guidance ⁤program for ⁣several populations, including trans women detained in sex worker raids. These programs bundle basic essentials and healthcare with other programs designed to ‌meet state priorities, ‍like vocational⁢ training and counselling. Jobs trainings,‌ healthcare services, and food distribution offer a possible path ⁤to financial stability.

For queer clients, government ⁣counseling services ⁣are frequently enough ‘conversion therapy’

Simultaneously ⁢occurring, human rights monitors ​have observed that the government counselling services are often conversion therapy, ranging from talk ‌therapy to forced exorcism. This is unethical by human rights criteria. It is also ineffective even for ⁤the government’s aims, as many people would reject it in⁤ practice. As one​ gay activist told me in an interview:

The first [challenge for the queer movement] is recognition.Prior to the ⁣rest is recognition, as [queer people] aren’t viewed as individuals but as a‌ type of sexual⁣ deviation.⁣ That’s ‍how ​it’s regarded by the government. That’s why government programs,like the Social⁢ Affairs Office,have a corrective character,they want ‍to return them to heterosexuality.

healthcare is subject to specific ​and competing criteria for regulatory scrutiny. ​The 2023 Health Law lists⁢ sexual orientation and gender minorities as a ​vulnerable population requiring outreach in it’s formal explanation. At the same ‍time, Article 433 of the Health⁤ Law ⁤imposes ‌up to 10 years‌ in prison and a 2 billion rupiah fine ​for performing plastic surgery that is intended to ⁤change a person’s ‌identity ​or ⁢otherwise violates local ​norms. ​The‌ explanation of this article specifically references gender transition that is not‍ authorised by ⁣a court.

The relationship these offices have with queer communities is evidently fraught. Some of these policies are repressive in their ‍own right, others are potentially useful for the community, and many are both.Nevertheless, some offices’ interest in service‌ provision makes them prospective partners for queer organisations.

A risky tactic: Working with ⁢the government to strengthen state services for queer people

Activists I interviewed described ongoing engagement and even cooperation between queer organisations and government‍ agencies. Queer organisations⁢ worked with public health offices for HIV/AIDS outreach, registration offices for identification cards, and ⁢even fisheries offices to receive ⁣authorisation to open a​ fishpond. One gay rights‌ organisation has worked with the vocational training centre at their local employment office by⁣ recruiting people for pre-existing training workshops in sewing, cooking, vehicle repair, and cosmetics, and by running surveys ⁢and interviews within ⁢the community to identify demand for specific subject areas.

such cooperation happens in numerous localities, including Yogyakarta, Surabaya, ‌Jakarta, and Ambon. In rare instances, this relationship even⁣ is formalised: the ⁣Social,

relationships with various state offices⁢ in four of Yogyakarta’s five districts. ⁤I asked one community liaison who has ​worked with the waria community’s organisations⁤ and the government between 2021 and time of interviewing in December 2024. Sleman District clearly has the most thorough state approach ‌to political cooperation with waria of the five counties. The liaison described waria organisations as trusted partners with the district’s Social Affairs Office, entrusted by the government to advocate for eligible ⁢waria and non-waria ‍alike⁤ to be registered for ‍state-subsidised health insurance system for free. He‌ added, “Waria friends can ‍communicate it to the Social Affairs Office to be promptly followed up.” Moreover, while the relationship with the Social Affairs Office might ‌be unusual, it is indeed‌ by no means the ​only relationship these organisations have ⁣with the regional government. As the liaison explained to ‌me, sitting ‍casually on ⁤the floor of the sparse room:

For Sleman’s offices it’s not just the Social ⁢Affairs‌ Office, [but also] the Health Office, ‍The Population and Civil Registration ‍Office, and the Fishing and Agriculture Office. Even at the beginning of this year, waria colleagues sent a⁢ proposal ​that they wanted to construct an orchard and fish pond and it was responded to by the Fishing and Agriculture Office.

A successful identity card registration drive for transgender Indonesians shows this directly. A⁣ national identity card is crucial in‍ Indonesia for accessing a wide variety of ⁤public services, but ⁤many transgender people do not have this document.‍ In‍ 2021, ⁣the ​Home Ministry’s Directorate-General of Population and Civil Registration released⁢ multiple⁢ circulars ⁢ordering ‍all ‌regional offices to⁢ assist transgender citizens applying for civil registration documents and ⁣document changes like national identification cards, domicile transfers, and so on. The Directorate ⁤General also ‍revised guidelines based on organisation feedback, allowing letters attesting to birth gender to ⁢be approved ‌by a transgender community organisation rather than a state healthcare provider.

This ⁣process only took place after ⁢queer organisation Suara Kita⁣ lobbied the relevant director general. Suara Kita was key in fielding personnel for the program’s implementation. Its 2022 report of this ⁤initiative began with congratulatory public statements from⁤ the commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission, the chairperson ​of the national Commission on Violence Against Women, regional civil registration officials, and the‍ director-general of ⁤population and civil‍ registration. In​ the director-general’s comments, he directly referred to transgender people as a vulnerable population with equal rights:

Considering the conditions of vulnerable people, such as the‌ victims ‍of natural disasters, remote indigenous communities, the⁤ poor, people with mental disabilities, the disabled, and transgender people, who all really do find it difficult to reach​ civil registration services, the⁤ Directorate General of Population and⁤ Civil Registration ‌and the respective offices intend to reverse the direction of movement…⁢ This letter​ aims to ​strengthen the facilitation of data collection and issuance of civil registration documents for transgender communities, so they can enjoy equal rights to public services⁤ as other groups⁤ do.

Of course,such cooperation cannot occur without trust-and for good reason,many queer⁣ organisers deeply distrust ​the government. Others simply​ consider cooperation with the government untenable‌ due to their political opposition to its conservatism.That does not mean, however, that these organisers are any less ‍committed to organising within their communities.

A safer but self-limiting tactic: Shunning government contact and‍ providing alternative services

Rather than directly engaging with the government to improve services, create services, or decriminalise services, many organisations ⁢and activists try to build substitute infrastructure.

This has⁤ two principal virtues: autonomy and security. Many organisers⁤ expressed concern that the government​ will ‍target them as individuals, co-opt the organisation, fail to create programming respecting the needs of the queer community, or​ otherwise weaken their own operations. Independence frees organisations to exercise complete control​ over program design,subject to their budget and personnel ​constraints.

Many services that ‌organisations provide⁢ relate in some way to education, whether as consciousness-raising or skill progress. Film screenings provide “edutainment” and opportunities for deb

Okay, here’s a‌ breakdown of the key themes and arguments presented in the text,⁣ along‌ with potential ⁢uses for this information.I’ll organize it into sections for clarity.

I. ⁤Core Argument: Queer Resilience &⁢ Independent Community ‍Building

The central argument is that queer communities are actively building resilience and support independently of, and sometimes in opposition to, mainstream institutions‍ (like the police or relying heavily on​ state funding). This is happening through a variety of ⁣methods, ranging from informal “found family” networks to organized forums and alternative institutions. The text highlights a intentional strategy of self-reliance born out of a recognition of both overt and subtle forms of homophobia (“the two​ homophobias”).

II.‌ Key ⁣Strategies & Activities

* ⁣ Mutual Aid & Direct Support: Addressing immediate ​needs like financial hardship ⁤through fundraisers. Also, skills-sharing like self-defence workshops (emphasizing community care without police involvement).
* Community Forums & “Found Family”: Creating⁣ spaces for connection, solidarity, and intergenerational dialog. These spaces aren’t just social; they’re described as breeding ⁣grounds for political skills and motivation. “Found family” is a crucial short-term‍ resource.
* Organic Growth & Information campaigns: Organizations often start with simple social gatherings and then evolve into more structured activities, ⁣like informational ‌campaigns, based on⁤ community needs and​ available support.The quoted organizer ⁣emphasizes a ⁢bottom-up approach – not planning projects, but responding ⁢to what the community wants and can fund. Accessibility ⁢of information is key.
* ​ independent Events (e.g., Pride): ⁣ Organizing large-scale events like Pride ​festivals privately for safety. These events serve multiple purposes: social connection,intergenerational exchange,celebration of queer life,and visibility.
*‌ Alternative Institution Building: The text implies a broader effort to create⁤ institutions that meet queer needs‌ outside of mainstream systems.

III. Challenges​ Faced

*⁣ The “Two Homophobias”: ⁢The ​text identifies two distinct⁣ forms of homophobia:
* Erasure: Attempts to eliminate queer existence.
‍​ ⁤ * Management: Attempts to control or ‌assimilate queer⁤ people into a heteronormative framework.
* ⁤ Operational Difficulties:

* ⁢ Funding: A lack of documentation (due to security concerns) hinders access to‌ grants.
⁢ ‌ ⁢ * Security & Trust: The need​ to balance openness (for funding) with protecting community members.
* ⁢ Common Non-Profit Issues: Burnout, interpersonal conflicts, free-riding, financial instability.
* Pessimism & Uncertainty: The current political climate‍ understandably leads to feelings of discouragement.

IV. Key Quotes & Their Significance

* ⁣ “At first,we honestly didn’t plan to have certain projects or‌ certain campaigns…It was more of a casual thing.” ⁢- This illustrates ⁢the⁢ organic,responsive nature of these organizations. they aren’t top-down, strategically⁣ planned entities; they grow from community⁣ needs.
* “So it wasn’t planned from the ‍start, only after sharing and time moved forward.” – highlights the importance of community input and iterative development.
* “Though many people criticized aspects of pride’s management or programming, everyone I ‌interviewed expressed gratitude for its existence…” – Acknowledges internal debates and imperfections but emphasizes the overall value of​ these spaces.

V. Potential Uses of this Information

* Academic Research: ⁤ This text​ would be valuable for research in sociology, queer studies, political science, and non-profit management.It provides a nuanced case study of community organizing.
* Grant Writing/Fundraising: The text can be used to articulate the unique needs and challenges of queer organizations ⁣to potential funders. it emphasizes the importance of supporting grassroots, community-led initiatives.
* Community Organizing: The strategies described (mutual aid, forum building, ‍organic growth) can serve‍ as models for other communities facing marginalization.
* Advocacy: the identification of the “two homophobias” can be a useful framework for understanding and addressing systemic discrimination.
* ⁤ ​ Internal Organizational reflection: ⁤ Queer⁢ organizations can use this text to reflect on their own practices, challenges,​ and strengths.
*⁣ journalism/Reporting: Provides valuable insight into ‌the lived​ experiences and organizing efforts within queer communities.

In essence, the text ⁢paints a picture⁣ of a resilient, resourceful, and strategically independent queer community actively building its⁢ own support systems in the face of ‍ongoing ⁢challenges. It’s a story of both vulnerability and strength, and a ​testament to the power of collective action.

Do ‌you want me to elaborate on any⁤ specific aspect of this analysis?‍ For⁢ example, would you like me to:

* Focus ​on the implications of the “two homophobias” concept?
* Discuss the challenges of balancing security and ⁢transparency?
* ​ Explore the role of intergenerational exchange?
* Suggest​ specific funding strategies based on the text?

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