In his first month in office, President Donald Trump embarked on a whirlwind of activity, issuing dozens of executive orders, firing thousands of government workers, and dismantling federal agencies. Amid this flurry of activity, Trump also found time to broker an agreement between two rival golf tournaments: the US-based PGA Tour and the LIV Golf league, funded by Saudi Arabia. The proposed deal would directly benefit Trump’s family business, which owns and manages golf courses around the world, and it would be the latest example of Trump using the presidency to advance his personal interests.

On February 20, Trump hosted a meeting at the White House between Jay Monahan, the PGA Tour commissioner, and Yasir al-Rumayyan, chair of LIV Golf and head of Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, along with the golf star Tiger Woods. This was the second meeting convened by Trump at the White House this month with PGA Tour officials involved in negotiating with the Saudi wealth fund. A day before his latest attempt at high-level golf diplomacy, Trump traveled to Miami to speak at a conference organized by the Saudi Public Investment Fund, which is managed by Al-Rumayyan but ultimately controlled by the kingdom’s de facto ruler and crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman.

While Trump’s sports diplomacy and cozying up to Saudi investors in Miami did not garner much attention compared to his whirlwind of executive orders and new policies, these incidents encapsulate Trump’s transactional and corrupt approach to governing. Wealthy autocrats, including Prince Mohammed, will be able to exploit the president. Trump often boasts that he is making good deals for America, but his relationship with Saudi Arabia and its crown prince is largely built on benefits for Trump’s family and its extensive business interests.

While Trump will often boast he is making good deals for America, his relationship with Saudi Arabia is largely built on benefits for Trump’s family.

— The Guardian

During Trump’s first term, the Trump Organization had dealings with Saudi Arabia that posed a potential conflict of interest for the president. After Saudi government lobbyists spent more than $270,000 on rooms at the Trump International hotel in downtown Washington, the Trump family business is plowing ahead with new agreements that could reap tens of millions of dollars in profit from Saudi-linked real estate and golf ventures.

In December, a month after Trump was elected to a second term, the Trump Organization announced several real estate projects in Saudi Arabia, including a Trump Tower in the capital, Riyadh, and another $530 million residential tower in the city of Jeddah. The projects are branding deals for Trump’s family business with Dar Global, an international subsidiary of Dar Al Arkan, one of the largest real estate companies in Saudi Arabia. While Dar Al Arkan is a private company, it relies on large Saudi government contracts and the crown prince’s goodwill.

After a mob of Trump supporters stormed the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, the Trump Organization lost a series of real estate partnerships and other deals in the US. During Trump’s years out of power, Saudi Arabia became one of the few consistent sources of new deals and growth for the Trump brand, which was considered toxic by many US customers and businesses. Aside from real estate branding agreements with Saudi companies, Trump convinced the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund to host the LIV professional golf tour at several of his golf courses, including those in Washington, Miami, and Bedminster, New Jersey. After the assault on the Capitol, the PGA of America, which is a separate organization from the PGA Tour and runs one of golf’s most important tournaments, the PGA Championship, cancelled a 2022 tournament at Trump’s golf club in New Jersey. The LIV Golf tournaments brought Trump’s properties back into the professional golfing circuit and provided millions of dollars in revenue for the Trump family business.

In November 2022, as Trump was preparing to announce his presidential campaign, the Trump Organization finalized a deal with Dar Al Arkan and the government of Oman to be part of a multibillion-dollar real estate development in Oman. While the Trump Organization is not expected to contribute funds toward the project’s development, it will earn millions of dollars in licensing fees for a Trump-branded hotel and golf course—and will be paid millions more in management fees for up to 30 years. The project raised concerns that if Trump was re-elected, he would violate the US Constitution’s emoluments clause by profiting from being in a partnership with the government of Oman, a longtime US ally, and a real estate firm with close ties to the Saudi government.

As Saudi Arabia helped keep Trump’s family business afloat after the Capitol insurrection, it provided even more crucial support to Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser during the first Trump administration. Six months after Kushner left the White House in 2021, his newly created firm, Affinity Partners, secured a $2 billion investment from the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund. Prince Mohammed overruled a panel of advisers who had recommended against investing in Kushner’s company, citing its lack of experience and track record in private equity. The advisers warned that due diligence had found the firm’s early operations “unsatisfactory in all aspects,” but internal documents leaked to the New York Times showed that the prince and his aides were more concerned with using the investment as part of a “strategic relationship” with Kushner.

Why was Prince Mohammed so eager to invest in Trump and Kushner’s businesses, even when they were out of power? The prince was betting on a second Trump term—and he was rewarding Trump’s steadfast support throughout his presidency. The Trump administration helped Prince Mohammed survive a severe challenge to his rule: fallout from the assassination of the Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi. In October 2018, Khashoggi was ambushed inside Saudi Arabia’s consulate in Istanbul by a 15-member hit team, who suffocated the Saudi journalist and dismembered his body with a bone saw.

As the international outcry over Khashoggi’s killing intensified and members of Congress demanded sanctions against Prince Mohammed and other Saudi officials, Trump and Kushner never wavered in their support for the prince and his regime. While Saudi officials at first tried to claim that Khashoggi had left the consulate alive, the crown prince eventually blamed rogue operatives for the assassination. But a US intelligence report, which Trump refused to release, found that Prince Mohammed had ordered Khashoggi’s killing.

The president later made sure to remind Prince Mohammed that he owed Trump for defending him after Khashoggi’s assassination. In interviews with the journalist Bob Woodward in early 2020, Trump boasted, “I saved his ass”—meaning he protected the crown prince from a backlash in Congress. “I was able to get Congress to leave him alone,” Trump told Woodward. “I was able to get them to stop.”

Today, the president is trying to reap more benefits based on his protection of Prince Mohammed—beyond what Kushner and the Trump Organization have already amassed from Saudi investments during Trump’s time out of office. Trump is corrupting the presidency by using it to negotiate international golf agreements and other deals that will ultimately enrich his family—and hardly anyone is objecting.

The Trump administration’s actions have raised significant concerns about conflicts of interest and the potential for foreign influence on US policy. Critics argue that Trump’s personal and financial ties to Saudi Arabia and other foreign entities compromise his ability to act in the best interests of the American people. The emoluments clause of the US Constitution, which prohibits the president from receiving gifts or benefits from foreign governments without the consent of Congress, has been a particular point of contention. Some legal experts have suggested that Trump’s business dealings with Saudi Arabia and other countries could violate this clause, further complicating his administration’s already strained relationship with Congress and the judiciary.

In response to these concerns, some members of Congress have called for greater transparency and accountability in Trump’s financial dealings. They argue that the public has a right to know about the president’s business interests and potential conflicts of interest. However, Trump has consistently resisted efforts to disclose his financial information, citing privacy concerns and the need to protect his business interests.

Despite these controversies, Trump’s actions have had a lasting impact on US foreign policy and relations with Saudi Arabia. The Trump administration’s close ties with the Saudi government have been a source of both praise and criticism. Supporters argue that Trump’s approach has strengthened US-Saudi relations and helped to advance American interests in the Middle East. Critics, however, contend that Trump’s policies have undermined US values and principles, particularly in light of the Khashoggi assassination and the ongoing human rights abuses in Saudi Arabia.

The Trump administration’s relationship with Saudi Arabia has also had significant implications for US foreign policy in the broader Middle East. Trump’s support for Saudi Arabia has been seen as a key factor in the ongoing conflict in Yemen, where Saudi-led coalition forces have been engaged in a protracted and devastating war. Critics argue that Trump’s policies have emboldened Saudi Arabia to continue its military campaign, which has resulted in thousands of civilian casualties and a humanitarian crisis.

In conclusion, Trump’s first month in office was marked by a flurry of executive orders, government shakeups, and a controversial attempt at golf diplomacy with Saudi Arabia. These actions have raised significant concerns about conflicts of interest, foreign influence, and the potential for corruption. As the Trump administration continues to navigate these challenges, it remains to be seen how these issues will shape US foreign policy and relations with Saudi Arabia in the years to come.