Countering China in the South China Sea
A United Front in the Spratly Islands: Why Southeast Asia must act Collectively
Table of Contents
The strategic landscape of the South China Sea, especially the Spratly Islands, demands a unified approach from Southeast Asian nations. China’s assertive actions in this vital waterway, regardless of specific territorial claims or overlapping interests, necessitate a collective response. Allowing Beijing to fragment the spratly Islands into isolated spheres of influence, which it can then gradually dominate and occupy piecemeal, risks a slow erosion of regional stability and sovereignty. A coordinated strategy among claimant states is crucial to deter unilateral actions and foster a more equitable negotiation surroundings.
The Case for Collective Action
The core argument for a united front rests on the principle of shared vulnerability and the strategic imperative to prevent gradual encroachment. When China acts provocatively in any part of the Spratly Islands, whether it involves occupying a feature or asserting claims that overlap with those of its neighbors, all three countries with stakes in the region should have a voice. This collective engagement makes it considerably harder for Beijing to isolate individual disputes and exert dominance. By presenting a united front, Southeast Asian nations can increase the cost of China’s provocative actions and compel a more measured and cooperative approach.
Addressing Concerns and Misconceptions
However, a primary concern for these nations is the potential for sending the “wrong signals” to china and facing increased risks. Several points must be highlighted to contextualize this initiative:
Southeast Asia-Led and Owned: This proposed mechanism is fundamentally a Southeast Asia-led and owned initiative. It deliberately excludes extra-regional players, ensuring that the focus remains on the immediate stakeholders and their shared concerns.This ownership is vital for its legitimacy and effectiveness within the regional context.
Informal and Consultative Norms: The mechanism is designed to remain informal. This is a strategic choice to avoid miscommunication and to align with the established informal and consultative norms that characterize the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Way. Maintaining this informal structure respects existing diplomatic protocols while facilitating coordinated action.
Nuanced Understanding of Security and Economics: A more nuanced understanding is required when deciphering the linkages between China’s security engagements and its economic cooperation with Southeast Asian countries. the narrative that one directly depends on the other is frequently enough a misinformed simplification that hinders a consolidated Southeast Asian response.As a notable example, the Philippines’ commercial activities with China have continued to grow, even as it has adopted a more active stance in the South China Sea to defend its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This pattern was also evident during the previous governance of President Benigno Aquino III,who pursued a hardline approach against China’s belligerence,yet economic ties persisted.
Despite the strategic benefits, Beijing will likely attempt to frame this cooperation as an anti-China stance orchestrated by a “troublemaker” nation, such as the Philippines, and will seek to dissuade vietnam and Malaysia from participating. Each of these Southeast Asian countries will continue to engage in bilateral negotiations with Beijing on specific features like the Scarborough Shoal and the Paracel Islands.Though, they must not forgo the opportunity to work collectively in the Spratly Islands.
Such collective action can serve as a powerful deterrent against China’s unilateral activities in one part of the South China Sea. More importantly,it can compel China to negotiate more equitably,setting a crucial precedent for other disputed features within the maritime domain. With sustained success, this unified approach coudl also encourage Brunei to strengthen its own position in the disputed waters.
Thus, Manila, Hanoi, and Putrajaya must harness the necessary political will to prioritize long-term regional stability and prosperity. A united Southeast Asia in the Spratly Islands is not merely a diplomatic aspiration; it is indeed a strategic necessity for safeguarding shared interests and ensuring a peaceful, rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific.
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Don McLain Gill is a Philippines-based geopolitical analyst, author, and lecturer at the Department of International Studies, De La Salle University (DLSU).*