Nergis Demirkaya / DUVAR
The co-chairman of Turkey’s Kurdish Individuals’s Equality and Democracy Occasion (DEM), Tuncer Bakırhan, gave an interview to Gazete Duvar on Might 24.
Bakırhan stated that they’d be extra seen within the western provinces within the coming interval.
Commenting on the rulings given within the Kobanê case, Bakırhan stated that the so-called “normalization” course of, just lately talked about by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan after defeating the AKP within the native election, excludes Kurds.
Under is a full translation of Bakırhan’s interview.
Excessive sentences got within the Kobanê case. How do you consider these sentences which come at a time when the normalization course of is being mentioned?
We’ve stated from the start that Kobanê isn’t a authorized case, however a political one, and so are the verdicts. The truth that the Kurds are being punished with a political trial has made it clear that they’re excluding us, and that they haven’t any such intention (resembling normalization). The truth that this coincides with the so-called “normalization” course of implies that Kurds are excluded. I feel the state refers back to the seek for normalization with the Republican Individuals’s Occasion (CHP).
How will this have an effect on your roadmap for the brand new period?
We come from a political custom that already works on many sides. On the one hand, there are festivals, however, there are demonstrations and rallies. The Kobanê verdicts sharpened us a little bit extra. There have been discussions on the bottom about whether or not the AKP would shift its course to a extra democratic platform after its defeat within the native election. The verdicts dispelled these expectations. He additionally defined the ideas of our associates who had this thought of their minds. We is not going to let it go, we’ll do very intensive work within the nationwide and worldwide enviornment.
What are you going to do?
In lots of nations, conferences are held with democratically based mostly organizations, political events, and authorities sources with whom we’re involved. Our method to the case and our calls for shall be translated into many languages. Internally, we’ll attempt to clarify this subject to the widest segments of the inhabitants via conferences and rallies. (The federal government) created a notion of (us as) murderers and robbers. However it turned clear that it was not homicide or theft. It’s a case that everybody must be utterly harmless. They invented a criminal offense referred to as “aiding the crime of disrupting the unity of the state and the integrity of the nation.” Nobody has been sentenced underneath such an article. It must be overturned on attraction.
In his first evaluation, President Erdoğan referred to the occasions of October 6-8 and stated, “Justice has been served.” What does this assertion imply regardless of the acquittal on these fees?
I feel the Presidency doesn’t observe it sufficient, and the President didn’t take a look at the court docket’s verdict. Yasin Börü and different allegations are usually not within the verdicts. They’ve been processing this discovering for 7-8 years. We are going to attempt to destroy this notion. Not just for Kobanê; we may even manage occasions and panels that can cowl all circumstances such because the Gezi bombing, Soma, Suruç, and October 10.
Stronger statements got here from the MHP relating to the Kobanê case. They referred to as for the closure of the DEM Occasion and the removing of parliamentary immunity. Do you see a distinction in tone within the statements of each side (AKP-MHP), and if that’s the case, why?
The MHP is a spoiler in Turkey. That is his complete position and mission. If there’s something to say and a step to absorb a democratic sense, he makes his place clear. I feel the MHP is fulfilling its mission.
Bahçeli continuously offers directions to the judiciary in his parliamentary group speeches. I want there was a democratic judiciary that might put everybody on a scale and choose them. We’re prepared. I have been on this for 34 years, they tried the identical issues again and again, however nothing occurred. It’s comprehensible to us, however not very comprehensible, {that a} political social gathering which is hand in hand with mafia organisations, a political social gathering which pardons its prisoners and which makes use of the facility of the judiciary on this regard, is speaking concerning the DEM Occasion 24 hours a day. .
We hear nothing however doom and gloom from the social gathering that’s continuously threatening. We’ve seen what normalization is, however the AKP additionally must determine now. The federal government has a distinction in discourse. One (the AKP) says that they’ve been punished, and the opposite (the MHP) says that this isn’t sufficient.
Is that this a tear? Can it’s ‘good cop-bad cop’?
It displays rigidity. In Van’s case, there was an enormous hole between the discussions of essential AKP and MHP figures. There may be rigidity and I feel this partnership isn’t going properly. I do not know the place it’s going to evolve, however I feel it will be helpful to evolve.
Duvar’s Nergis Demirkaya (L) and DEM Occasion co-chairman Tuncer Bakırhan (R)
Former co-chairman of HDP, Selahattin Demirtaş, criticized his social gathering and spoke of political “ticks” in his assertion after the Kobanê case verdicts had been introduced. You latterly visited Demirtaş. Did this subject come up through the assembly, what did you talk about?
Throughout the assembly, we primarily talked concerning the Kobanê case and what to do. We talked about constructing the method of coming collectively in unity. -Do not take this as a reference to his comments- We’re a celebration the place a number of of our valuable associates went via jail. We will transfer this course of ahead with a standard thoughts and a standard spirit with our associates behind bars and out of doors. This was additionally expressed by Figen Yüksekdağ and Selahattin Demirtaş. Prisons and out of doors are tough areas. We have to come collectively stronger.
Did Demirtaş have any options for the brand new period?
We may have a stronger dialogue and make contact with with our associates in jail. We are going to perform our collective wrestle collectively. The general public may even see this. The truth that they’re in jail mustn’t imply that they’re politically inactive, we don’t think about them that means. We’re companions in a standard wrestle.
We tried to do one thing inside the limits of our situations and means. We’re rigorously clear about this. A whole bunch of our associates have been detained and arrested for the final two days. We do not need straightforward political situations. It isn’t attainable to right away notice our true potential. However we try to interrupt this. Our associates have options and criticisms. They’re proper, we agree, we have to do extra. A very powerful final result of our conferences is motion collectively.
After the native elections on 31 March, we entered a interval of 4 years with out elections. What sort of highway map do you may have?
One, we’ll manage; two, we’ll broaden our alliance. We’ve reached a restrict in Kurdistan on this space. Within the coming days you will notice us extra within the west. Our sample isn’t a sample that can go well with solely Kurdish states. Our social gathering has had a critical enlargement alternative within the final interval. With the city consensus, with a mirrored image of the desire of the folks within the authorities. We’ve essentially the most principled and aware basis within the nation. These are an enormous plus.
The problem of what we’ll do within the new period is essential. Relaxation assured, we shall be in Manisa, Bursa and Edirne extra. We are going to stand alongside the poor and the retired, and we’ll do politics with an perspective and perspective that breaks the present notion.
Regardless of fielding candidates within the west, you acquired fewer votes in comparison with the earlier election. Istanbul is essentially the most placing instance. Do you assume your voters opposed your resolution, how do you interpret this perspective?
They’re attempting to usurp our will by bringing in unlawful voters in lots of cities. They put our will in jail and filed a foreclosures (social gathering). Now, would a Karsite or an Ardahanite residing in Istanbul desire a authorities that brings unlawful voters to win? Our folks acted strategically in accordance with our discourse.
If Kılıçdaroğlu had remained CHP chief, our technique would have been totally different. We’d remind his protocol with Ümit Özdağ. If the AKP had not taken in unlawful voters, the steadiness would have been totally different. Due to this fact, AKP ought to query itself first. They misplaced Turkey to take three or 4 Kurdish cities. They misplaced Bursa and Balıkesir to take one in all Kars. Kurdish voters are going nowhere. They didn’t embrace the AKP, they voted elsewhere as a result of they wished the AKP to lose.
Did you get the outcome you wished within the native elections?
I feel we’re so profitable.
How do you consider the “softening of normalization” debates that began after the elections?
Wouldn’t it have been like this if the AKP had succeeded? The steadiness of energy has shifted, modified, and this has modified the local weather. One thing has occurred for the good thing about Turkey. The AKP can not proceed like this. He must change the structure. As a result of he doesn’t wish to give this (presidential) authority to a different social gathering’s candidate within the subsequent elections. What’s going to he do if Bilal Erdoğan appoints trustees to his belongings and ships with decree legislation?
They’ve to alter it even when we are saying we do not wish to. Native election outcomes are usually not the results of a tidal wave. They’re the results of the poverty and injustices created by the AKP. Within the earlier native election for Ankara, they had been saying, “If CHP comes, it’s going to minimize help.” Quite the opposite, (the CHP) elevated the help. Think about this persevering with exponentially with new municipalities. The brand new voters are primarily younger and Kurdish. This is identical in Afyon and Hakkari. Younger and Kurdish. I feel they do not take this under consideration. So this continues exponentially. The AKP has no likelihood of constant yesterday’s method.
We’ve been following polarized politics for a few years. Might Erdoğan get even more durable?
This concern exists within the Turkish society. However the AKP is now Turkey’s second largest social gathering. Within the case of Van (the refusal to present the mayorship to the DEM Occasion candidate), the perspective of the actors inside the AKP was extra democratic than that of the primary opposition social gathering. We noticed the statements of Hayati Yazıcı and Hüseyin Çelik. Provided that Erdoğan introduces a extra inclusive method as a substitute of a monastic-Turkish method, folks will assume. They may say, “Look, he is realized a lesson, he is taking motion, he is altering.” tyrant not pays. The folks determine now, not Erdoğan.
You talked about work on justice and poverty. What sort of work will it’s?
As a celebration, we’ll base our battle line within the coming interval on the struggle towards poverty and the pursuit of justice. Turkey’s most essential points are poverty and justice. Even common wage earners can not afford fundamental meals.
(English model by Alperen Şen)
