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The brilliant future of Sudan and the emerging problems.. Written by: Dr. Alwaleed Adam Madibo

I met a group of Sudanese who had tasted the ravages of war, and they came to the “faithful Egypt” asking for safety and beseeching the Lord Almighty for reassurance, tranquility and ease of residence (meaning its shortness and overcoming its difficulties). The accumulation of knowledge is what may enable them to compensate for the loss, which is trivial if the loss of property is compared to the cracking of conscience and the loss of homelands. In this article, I do not wish to defraud the displaced and the displaced or to manipulate their feelings and emotions. I always start, in what I write, that Sudan has – in the very near future – a brilliant future that is not linked to the availability of human and material resources as much as it is related to changing concepts, spiritual awakening, and psychological and mental readiness to crystallize a vision. A development unaffected by ideological frameworks, factional interests, or meta-concepts.

The pendulum of power moved between 1969 AD and 1989 AD from the far left to the far right. This movement was not a mechanical movement, but rather an existential and institutional movement that inflamed with it religious and ethnic feelings and caused regional sensitivity that led to the separation of a dear part of the homeland (the south). Sudan), caused the death of 2.5 million people (and that was before the genocide that claimed the lives of 300,000 people in Darfur), and left other regions on the brink of a cliff, some of which are about to collapse, leaving Sudan among the fragmented states and has passed the stage of the failed state. Only today did he realize the “old political rhetoric” – after the combat planes flew over his head and destroyed part of his house and displaced his family – the meaning of fierce wars raging in the Sudanese countryside for a period of more than six decades (and we rush to God and beg Him in these days that our ordeal does not prolong and reach to six months).

This is sufficient to bring about a change in concepts that urges us to remedy the constitutional crisis that erupted around the secularity or Islamism of the constitution. The dialogue was supposed to be about the structure of the state and its structure that leads to sustainable peace. We need to go back to the 1974 constitution, which does not include blatant secularism (as al-Hilu is talking about), nor does it grant a certain group a moral guardianship over the rest of the groups (what is described as legalized dogmatism that was practiced by all ideological groups, and Islamists in particular). This constitution focuses on the presidential powers that Sudan needs in the next few years in order to avoid the repercussions of the civil war, as there must be a holding centralization that prevents the leaders of movements and other politicians from manipulating the fate of the regions, especially since these regions – according to my wandering in some of them and examining their capabilities – do not have An institutional capacity by which a successful federal experiment can be evaluated. Accordingly, it is necessary to move gradually from administrative and political centralization to administrative and political decentralization.

The method adopted by the “salvation gang” in implementing federalism – which included designing political centralization, administrative decentralization, and exempting the center from bearing the financial consequences – caused the creation of tribal alignment, the result of which was the creation of alternative centralizations that are the primary cause of the current wars. Until the constitutional conference is established, we must think about the importance of adopting a French-style presidential system that gives the “victorious battalion” of the military – who will resolve the current military and political chaos – the authority to appoint a civilian prime minister who is left free to choose technocrats who will arrange Sudan’s affairs in the five to five the next ten years. As soon as it becomes possible to hold presidential elections (and this is possible very soon because it is a procedure that is not tainted by the difficulties of constituency design and is not undermined by the idea of ​​asylum or displacement centers outside and inside the country), we can move to a presidential system – on the American model – that is monitored by the legislative organs, both elected and appointed. I suggest that there be two councils in Sudan, a council of elders of senior national, civil, “religious and tribal”, military and scientific figures, and an elected council in order to disentangle the traditional forces from the modern forces and move towards a broad development horizon.

Sudan needs a comprehensive and integrated strategic vision aimed at carrying out huge development projects in the east and west of the country so that we can reach the African depth (East and West Africa), benefiting from our geographical position, which has become crippled due to the deficient regional vision. The East (eastern Sudan) cannot flourish unless its veins are irrigated by the waters of the Nile, as investors have long talked about extending a wide pipe from the Atbara River and linking it later to ships that transport water to the Gulf in which the value of water and oil is equal! Whenever we connect the East with the West by rail, we will be able to transport goods from land-locked Africa. We do not forget the path that the Muslims of North and West Africa followed to go to Hajj, which can be reconstructed and prepared again. Not only that, but Sudan can take over the African space, by taking advantage of its location to connect West Africa with its east, and North Africa with its south, whose residents sometimes need to go to Dubai in order to reach another African country. The opinion of specialized experts indicates that Sudan can play a more vital role than the role that Dubai currently plays in maritime navigation, and better than the role that Ethiopia plays in air navigation. This matter must be subject to a careful and detailed study, whenever the Sudanese realize the importance of benefiting from their earthly paradise.

The financial revenue from the “free zones” that must be established in Dongola, El Geneina, and Port Sudan, can be used for the benefit of providing infrastructure and increasing productive awareness in the gum arabic and gold sectors, which must be nationalized to stop manipulation of their value and work to limit smuggling abroad. I do not wish to extend this vision, which there is no room for presenting it in full, but I would like to say that the upcoming projects for Sudan, from solar energy that illuminates rural areas and food industries that include the development of the agricultural and pastoral sector in the island and western Sudan, will soon be greater than our capacity to contribute and absorb. . Accordingly, we must prepare for smart partnerships with the regional and international communities (the private sector, each according to its ability, and the state according to its negotiating and financial ability, which depends on its sophistication and the enforcement of its foreign policy). There is no liquidity problem in the world today. On the contrary, there is a problem with the accumulation of funds in banks, without the owners having opportunities to invest. There is a problem of trust related to political and security stability, the judicial and justice system, the banking and financial system, transparency and accounting, land and investment law, electronic governance, and so on, among the issues that must be evaluated before Sudan becomes a destination for investment, which is inevitably an object.

We must give priority in the next phase to codify the concept of governance or governance (governance) while thinking about laying the building blocks that gradually establish a political democracy based on economic and social democracy. The government of the “foundation period” must set its sights on five basic issues – especially since we are emerging from war and there is no civil or political transition platform – (establishing security by taking strict legal measures that include field trials for criminals and those causing the homelessness of citizens, urgent institutional reforms to address the situation The deteriorating administrative situation, addressing the human tragedy in the north and west of the country, bold and effective economic decisions to compensate the looted and redress the investors’ risk by giving them loans on very easy terms, basic arrangements to fill the constitutional and legal vacuum, any transition that does not take into account the treatment of structural and structural problems in the Sudanese state (constitution, system of government “Central or federal and in any way”, the development model, etc..) will be doomed to failure, especially in light of the current complexities and the awareness gained by the public, which is no longer deceived by the tricks of politicians and their games that no longer amuse anyone or entice a distraction.

In conclusion, I did not seek, in this article, to follow a “transcendental logic” by not addressing the material context with which the war will end or with which we will move to prosperity and peace, but I deliberately focused on the moral foundations that prevented us from communicating with each other as Sudanese peoples who have an ancient human civilization, which It caused our inability to create a single, strong and prosperous entity. I claim that the war has changed our view towards centralization, so that we have become more understanding of the importance of cultural, economic and social decentralization. It brought about a spiritual awakening in us after we passed through the cities and saw the extent of neglect of the countryside, which kept providing us with goods and providing us with resources that we bring from all over the country to Khartoum and then are exported. abroad, and finally we realized that the development model that we inherited from the colonizer – even if it was suitable for its purposes at the time – had caused our conflicts, but rather deprived us of opportunities for stability and prosperity. By the end of this damned war, we will turn a page that is the darkest in our history and the darkest in the lives of peoples and societies. However, the following pages will be the brightest and brightest, for if it were not for the blackness of the night, the dawn would not have appeared.

Auwaab@gmail.com