-From Africa’s ‘Leaders for Life’: How Power is Maintained
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The home of every Ugandan president, State House, is nestled in the hilly uptown Nasakero area of the capital city, Kampala.
For four decades, it has been home to just one president – Yoweri Museveni, who has been in office longer than any other Ugandan leader.
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Following Thursday’s election, Museveni’s tight hold on the country has been extended for the seventh time. even though he faced his biggest challenger in the form of popular opposition candidate and musician Robert “Bobi Wine” Kyagulanyi, the country’s electoral commission declared that Museveni had won with 72 percent of the vote.
At 81, Museveni is the third-longest serving president in the world.
His control over Uganda,analysts say,is absolute,and the appointment of his son,General Muhoozi Kainerugaba,as army chief back in 2024 has prompted worries among activists of a dynastic succession plan in the near future.
In a young country where about 70 percent of the 46 million population is under 35, Museveni is the only president most Ugandans have ever known. By the time he completes his latest term in 2031, he will have served for 45 years.
However, he is not alone.Across Africa, from hilly Kampala to riverside Brazzaville, several “life-long” leaders like him have held onto power for decades, despite organising routine elections that give their administrations the semblance of democratic rule.
Political experts studying these figures say at least three of them: Museveni of Uganda, Paul Biya of Cameroon, and Sassou Nguesso of the Republic of the Congo, have perfected unique formulas that help them consolidate power, using tools like compromised elections, divide and rule tactics, and powerful foreign alliances.
Al Jazeera reached out to the three governments for comments,but did not get a response.
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For Museveni,violence is used as a means to suppress dissent and keep allies in check,Kampala-based political analyst job Kiija told al Jazeera.
The regional strongman was first sworn in as president back in 1986, after he led the rebel National Resistance army to overturn an unpopular civilian administration in a violent six-year conflict now known as the Ugandan Bush War. He has remained president under the rebranded National Resistance Movement.
Museveni’s ideas of leadership were likely shaped early on, as a political science student in neighbouring Tanzania, researchers note. At the time,he studied philosopher and anti-colonial theorist Frantz Fanon’s theory of violence.
Violence, Fanon wrote in his book, The Wretched
Cameroon’s ‘absentee president’
Just months before Museveni soared to an easy victory, on the opposite side of the continent, Biya, the 92-year-old president of Cameroon, won an eighth term in office in October’s presidential polls.
Biya,who heads the governing Cameroon People’s democratic Movement (RDPC),has been in power since 1982 and is the world’s oldest sitting president. The country’s parliament removed term limits in 2008, and last year’s win gives him another seven years at the helm.
The president is known for spending extensive periods away from the spotlight and even abroad,earning him the nickname “absentee president”. There have been frequent speculations about his health, with rumours of his death circulating on social media now and again,only for the president to pop up briefly on national television.
Still, few Cameroonians, least of all politician Kah Walla, were surprised when Biya won another term.
Walla, 60, who competed in three past presidential races, told Al Jazeera that the president uses the very tool essential to democracies: elections.
“We live in an electoral autocracy where the dictator has figured out how to use elections as one of the instruments to keep himself in power,” she said, adding that the electoral body is essentially an extension of the government.
manu Lekunze, a lecturer in international relations at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, told Al Jazeera that Biya uses well-funded details campaigns to “divide-and-rule” between Cameroon’s multiple ethnic groups.
Biya’s campaign machine frequently enough harps on how opposition politicians will represent only their ethnic groups, he said. Biya himself enjoys support from his Beti tribe, the adjacent majority Bamileke-Bamus, and the Fulanis by staying close to traditional leaders.
“He believes he is going to live for a long time,” Lekunze said. “[He] has an ethnic coalition that will support him irrespective, and he uses that to get the simple majority he needs, which makes him really comfortable in power.”
Like Museveni, Biya is also accused of using violence – but “selectively”, Walla noted. Some Cameroonians, she said, refuse to call their country a “dictatorship” because there’s a semblance of freedom.
“Biya realised that you need to give people a channel to vent so the resistance won’t build,” Walla said.
“You can go on TV and say anything about the president, and nothing might happen, but someone else might say the same thing, or even less, and be punished [arrested] for it. So that has led people to self-censor because nobody knows where the line is.”
At least 48 people were killed by security forces during protests in support of opposition candidate Issa Tchiroma, who claimed Biya’s win in October as fraudulent, and declared himself the winner. The now-exiled Tchiroma abandoned Biya’s
Cameroonian political analyst Dr. Mathias mbanje urged citizens to actively resist unfair electoral practices rather than abstain from voting, emphasizing that elections remain the primary legitimate avenue for expressing political will.His comments come amid ongoing concerns about electoral integrity in Cameroon.
Cameroon’s Political Landscape
Cameroon operates under a semi-presidential republic system, where the President is the head of state and the Prime Minister is the head of government. The 1996 Constitution provides the framework for the country’s governance, including electoral processes. Though, the fairness and openness of elections have been consistently questioned by opposition parties and international observers.
Recent elections have been marred by allegations of irregularities, including ballot stuffing, voter intimidation, and manipulation of results. These concerns have fueled political instability and distrust in the electoral system.
Electoral Concerns and criticisms
The Cameroonian electoral system is managed by the Elections Cameroon (ELECAM), an self-reliant body established in 2006. Despite its independence, ELECAM has faced criticism regarding its impartiality and effectiveness in ensuring free and fair elections.
Opposition parties have repeatedly accused ELECAM of bias towards the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM),led by president Paul biya,who has been in power as 1982. These accusations include allegations of manipulating voter registration lists and unfairly allocating polling stations.
For example, in the 2018 presidential election, the opposition candidate Martin Achuzu contested the results, alleging widespread fraud. Reuters reported that Achuzu presented evidence of irregularities in several regions,but his claims were dismissed by the Constitutional Council.
Human Rights Watch on Cameroonian Elections
Human Rights Watch has documented numerous human rights concerns related to elections in Cameroon. These include restrictions on freedom of assembly and expression, harassment of opposition supporters, and violence perpetrated by security forces during and after elections.
In a report published October 7, 2022, Human Rights Watch highlighted the risks of violence surrounding the parliamentary and municipal elections, citing a climate of fear and intimidation.
Calls for Resistance and Legal Mobilization
Dr. Mbanje’s call for resistance aligns with the strategies advocated by various civil society organizations and opposition leaders in Cameroon. He specifically recommends protests and legal mobilization as key tactics to challenge electoral malpractices.
Legal mobilization involves utilizing the judicial system to challenge electoral irregularities and demand accountability from ELECAM and the government. Protests, while often met with repression, serve as a visible expression of public discontent and can exert pressure on authorities to address electoral concerns.The involvement of religious leaders and citizen movements is seen as crucial for broadening the base of resistance and increasing its legitimacy.
As of January 19, 2026, there have been no important changes to the Cameroonian government’s approach to electoral oversight or a reduction in reported irregularities. The situation remains volatile,with ongoing calls for electoral reform and greater transparency.