The History and Role of the Antichrist in American Politics

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Donald Trump’s recent posting of an AI-generated image depicting himself as Jesus Christ on Truth Social has reignited discussions about the Antichrist in American political discourse, with some conservative figures and religious groups speculating about his potential role in apocalyptic narratives. The image, which Trump later attempted to clarify as a misinterpretation of his intended depiction as a doctor, sparked immediate controversy among his Christian supporters and far-right allies, including Marjorie Taylor Greene, Tucker Carlson, and Nick Fuentes, who began questioning whether Trump might embody the biblical Antichrist.

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The concept of the Antichrist has long been intertwined with American political thought, according to Matthew Sutton, a history professor at the University of Washington and author of Chosen Land: How Christianity Made America and Americans Remade Christianity. Sutton traced the idea’s origins to the 1880s and 1890s, a period marked by the Civil War, industrialization, and waves of immigration, which led some Protestants to reevaluate their optimism about America as a “city upon a hill.” “Once Christians started killing other Christians during the Civil War, it became difficult to justify an optimistic, forward-thinking politics,” Sutton explained in an interview with Today, Explained co-host Noel King. “This led to the rise of apocalyptic ideas, with the Antichrist becoming a central figure in evangelical theology.”

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Sutton noted that the Antichrist narrative gained momentum as Protestants grappled with the influx of Catholic and Jewish immigrants, viewing them as threats to their cultural and religious dominance. By the early 20th century, the concept had evolved into the fundamentalist movement, which later rebranded as evangelicalism. “Fundamentalists and evangelicals began to see the Antichrist as a global leader who would oppress Christians and reshape the world,” Sutton said. “They started scrutinizing world events, aligning them with biblical prophecies to determine how close the end times were.”

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Historically, Americans have looked for specific signs to identify the Antichrist, according to Sutton. These included the “falling away from true Christianity,” rising immorality, and the return of Jews to Palestine, which fundamentalists interpreted as a precursor to the Second Coming. The creation of Israel in 1948 and the establishment of global institutions like the United Nations were seen as pivotal moments reinforcing these beliefs. “World War I and II, the League of Nations, and the UN were all framed as mechanisms through which the Antichrist would gain power,” Sutton said.

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Throughout history, various figures have been labeled as potential Antichrists. In the 1930s, Benito Mussolini’s attempts to revive the Roman Empire drew comparisons to biblical descriptions of the Antichrist. In the 1990s, Saddam Hussein’s efforts to rebuild Babel were similarly scrutinized. More recently, liberal leaders like Franklin Roosevelt and Barack Obama were accused of unwittingly aiding the Antichrist by promoting internationalism and global governance. “The idea was that these leaders would help create a world order that would facilitate the Antichrist’s rise,” Sutton explained.

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The political implications of these beliefs have been profound. Sutton argued that the apocalyptic theology of the Antichrist has shaped American politics, particularly during the rise of the religious right. “The New Deal era and the expansion of the federal government coincided with the growth of fundamentalist anti-liberalism,” he said. “This theology became a tool for mobilizing people, urging them to act in preparation for the Second Coming.”

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Ronald Reagan, a president known for his close ties to evangelical communities, was often seen as a natural ally for those who embraced apocalyptic narratives. While Reagan’s policies were not directly influenced by these beliefs, his fascination with end-times theology drew criticism from opponents. “Reagan’s critics argued he was too closely aligned with evangelical ‘freaks’ and overly obsessed with these issues,” Sutton said. “But for many believers, his rhetoric and actions resonated with their vision of preparing for the end times.”

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Today, the Antichrist narrative continues to evolve, with modern evangelicals applying it to contemporary events. Sutton noted that the concept remains a “gift that keeps on giving,” adapting to new generations while maintaining its core function of mobilizing political and religious action. “Each generation reinterprets the Antichrist based on their context, whether it’s global conflicts, technological advancements, or social changes,” he said. “The key is that it fuels polarization, making it harder to engage in constructive dialogue.”

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The current speculation around Trump reflects this pattern. By linking a political figure to apocalyptic symbolism, his supporters and critics alike are engaging in a long-standing tradition of interpreting events through a theological lens. “Once you introduce spiritualized language into politics, the stakes become existential,” Sutton said. “It’s no longer about policy debates but about fighting absolute evil.”

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As the Antichrist narrative continues to shape American politics, its influence underscores the enduring power of religious rhetoric in public life. Whether through historical figures like Mussolini or modern leaders like Trump, the search for the Antichrist remains a lens through which many Americans interpret the world—and their place in it.

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